The walls of Scott Vinson’s office are a study in orderliness and organization.
Framed diplomas exhibiting degrees in business administration and law share space with a map of the United States detailing 2006 state-by-state election results and charts displaying U.S. House and Senate legislative sessions, upcoming meetings and other key pieces of planning information.
But standing out a little from Vinson’s otherwise business-as-usual decor is a white T-shirt affixed to the wall with pushpins that proclaims, “Mel Martinez for U.S. Senate.”
Vinson is quick to point out that the unfurled article of clothing is not quite as out of place as it might first appear. “Every election cycle I like to volunteer my time to work on political campaigns around the country,” says the 34-year-old Washington lobbyist. “In 2004 I worked for Sen. Martinez in Florida and John Thune’s campaign in South Dakota when he unseated Tom Daschle.
“I’ve been working on political campaigns since I was in college and still try to work for people who I think might be friendly to our industry.”
As vice president of government relations for the National Council of Chain Restaurants, the Iowa-born Vinson has spent the past six years working to further the foodservice industry’s agenda in Washington, D.C. The job has not gotten easier, either, with many pro-business Republican lawmakers losing their seats to less-industry-friendly Democrats in last November’s elections.
Nevertheless, he says, his chief job continues to be one of communicating substantive policy information to the people who can effect change. “I try to learn as much about an issue as I can, so I can be a resource when a congressional staffer comes to me with a question,” he says.
On any given day, Vinson’s morning might start by responding to emails—he carries two BlackBerries. “A lot of work is done through e-mails now,” he explains as he scans his computer screen. “There are so many lobbyists in Washington, and members [of Congress] and their staffs only have so much time. The days of ‘Let’s get together for a drink’ are pretty much over.”
At other times he might attend an early meeting on Capitol Hill or meet with his boss, Jack Whipple, the new president of the NCCR. Whipple, who spent 25 years with McDonald’s Corp. in its government affairs department, was coaxed out of retirement last May to run the council.
Vinson says he keeps up to date by reading news periodicals like Roll Call, the Wall Street Journal, the National Journal or Congressional Daily. He also has a small TV in his office to monitor the House and Senate action on C-SPAN.
His responsibilities also include writing NCCR’s monthly newsletter, which recaps previous activities and key issues.
M. SCOTT VINSON AGE: 34EMPLOYER: National Council of Chain Restaurants, a division of the National Retail FederationTITLE: vice president of government relationsLENGTH OF TENURE: six yearsCAREER MILESTONES: legislative aide for Sen. Charles Grassley, RIowa; manager of labor and immigration policy at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce; active in helping to pass a law enabling employers to process and store 1-9 forms electronicallyPROFESSIONAL ASPIRATIONS: “I take it one day at a time.”HOMETOWN: Marshalltown, IowaPERSONAL: SingleFAVORITE PASTIME: travel
The week usually kicks off on Monday with a meeting of the 15- to 20-member government relations staff of the National Retail Federation, of which the NCCR is a division. Those gatherings generally include Rob Green, vice president of federal and political affairs—previously with the National Restaurant Association—and Steve Pfister, head of government relations and a former House staffer.
On this particular Thursday morning, Vinson is focusing on a meeting he had arranged for 10:30 a.m. at the NCCR’s Washington offices. The meeting had been called to address an element included in both the House and Senate immigration bills that would force businesses to use a government-established employment verification system. While the NCCR supports immigration reform—notably a temporary guest worker program and some form of earned legalization—this system would require employers to check a federal database to ascertain whether an individual has been authorized by the government to work here. The system, however, is badly flawed, Vinson maintains.
“It’s only been tested in an experimental pilot program with about 10,000 employers,” he says. “It’s not ready for prime time. Social Security and Department of Homeland Security databases are old and full of outdated material, and generate a lot of false negatives. The program is small and not very efficient.” At the same time, some lawmakers want businesses to pay for it.
The group that is meeting—called the Electronic Employment Verification System Working Group—has been established to draw a broader community of participants into the struggle.
Co-chaired by Vinson and Kelly Krauser Knott, director of government affairs, labor and safety and risk management for the Washington-based Associated General Contractors of America, the meeting draws about 40 participants to the NCCR’s boardroom. Attendees, including trade associations, lawyers, business employers and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, all agree that they need to present a united front to lawmakers and work more closely on the issue in the future.
Even after the meeting has been adjourned, attendees linger in small groups and continue to discuss the issue. “We want to make sure whatever system Congress comes up with is workable,” Vinson says. “It needs to be fast, reliable and doesn’t cost employers anything.”
Following the meeting, Vinson checks his e-mail again and heads out for a quick lunch. He says he sometimes takes lunch in the cafeteria at the Longworth House Office Building. But lately the place has inexplicably emerged as a popular D.C. dining destination, and he chooses not to fight his way through the crowds, opting instead for a neighborhood restaurant.
After lunch, Vinson detours back to the office briefly to grab a stack of handwritten thank-you notes for congressmen who voted recently against the union-backed card-check bill. The Employee Free Choice Act, H.R. 800, introduced last month by Rep. George Miller, D-Calif., would allow workers to unionize by simply signing a card or petition stating their interest in joining a union, as opposed to holding secret-ballot elections. The House passed the measure by a vote of 241 to 185.
“There was a lot of pressure from the unions to vote in favor of this, so we just want to show the congressmen who voted against it that we appreciate what they did,” Vinson says.
His first stops are in the Longworth office building, where he visits the offices of Reps. Tim Johnson, R-Ill.; David Reichert, R-Wash.; Ray LaHood, R-Ill.; Shelley Moore Capito, R-W.Va.; and Michael Turner, R-Ohio.
All members are on the House floor for a vote, but Vinson hands the notes to their aides and asks them to tell their representatives that the NCCR is grateful to them for voting no on H.R. 800.
As he passes through the tunnel between Longworth and the Cannon House Office Building, Vinson points out a spot where lobbyists often gather, waiting for lawmakers on their way to a House vote. “When they were voting on the card-check bill, some of us stood here wearing blue buttons that said, “Vote no on H.R. 800,” he says. “We wanted to show that we were out in force.”
Vinson then makes the rounds at Cannon, where he drops off thank-you notes at the offices of other congressmen. After all of the notes have been distributed, he heads back to his office. Looking down at his BlackBerry, he finds that he has received three emails, and declares that he needs to respond to them before the day is over.
“There’s a stereotype about lobbyists,” he says. “A lot of people think it’s all glamorous, having meals with senators and congressmen. Well, maybe it was that way once, but it’s not like that anymore.
